Not so jovial after all: how historians misunderstood William the Conqueror
The cheerful and generous nature many chroniclers ascribed to the victor of the battle of Hastings in fact belonged to someone else, says historian
The history books refer to William the Conqueror as jovial and generous, among other surprising qualities recorded in an 11th-century Latin text written after the king’s funeral.
In fact, historians have got him wrong. A new translation of the rambling chronicle reveals that such praiseworthy adjectives were directed at someone else completely – a recently deceased abbot rather than the late king.
The discovery was made by a British historian, Marc Morris, while researching his forthcoming book on William of Normandy, whose conquest of England in 1066 altered the course of the nation’s history.
He told the Observer: “It’s very difficult assessing people’s personalities at a distance of a millennium, but academics for the past 50 or 60 years have written that … he was quite jovial, cheerful, eloquent, good-natured – not the brute you might suppose.”
Morris decided to go back to the original text, which was written by a Burgundian monk called Hugh of Flavigny after William’s burial in St Stephen’s Church at Caen in Normandy. “Every biography of William on my shelf mentions Hugh’s description of William the Conqueror in the context of the king’s funeral in 1087.”
The chronicle has been in print since the 19th century, in a multi-volume collection titled the MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica, but only in the original Latin – “flowery Latin at that, not the normal administrative Latin that most medieval historians – like me – can cope with,” Morris said. “I looked at this passage and thought it doesn’t look right to me.”
He asked a Latin expert, Professor David D’Avray of University College London, to translate it. The new version revealed that the adjectives do indeed appear in the text, but in relation to a little-known abbot. The praise was not about William but “this admirable man”, Abbot Richard of Verdun.
Morris said: “So this house of cards came crashing down. There’s no good evidence for a genial, jolly, jovial William the Conqueror. It’s clear from looking at academic biographies written in the past 50 years that it has always been mistranslated.”
Noting that previous biographies refer to William’s “generosity” and “cheerfulness”, among other adjectives, he added: “The surprising thing to me was how little all these biographers made of this material. It’s very hard to find good, trustworthy characterisations of people from 950 years ago, even if they are kings, so a genuine encomium of praise that mentioned all these qualities should be gold-dust. What made me particularly suspicious was that none of these historians provided a direct quote from Hugh of Flavigny, only a paraphrase of what he wrote. This made me want to read his words for myself.
“Without this passage, the evidence of a cheerful and affable conqueror collapses.”
Morris is the author of acclaimed books that include King John: Treachery, Tyranny and the Road to Magna Carta and The Norman Conquest. His new book, titled William I: England’s Conqueror, will be published in the Penguin Monarchs series on 25 August before the 950th anniversary of 1066.
At the battle of Hastings, William’s Norman army defeated King Harold’s English army. The battle was one of the bloodiest, even by medieval standards, and arguably the most important in English history.
Harold was killed, the English fled and William assumed the throne, transforming the country’s political, social and geographical landscape. He founded Battle Abbey on the battlefield site, as penance for the blood shed that day.
More than 100,000 people died as a result of the Norman Conquest. The size of the armies on either side at Hastings is unknown but neither is likely to have exceeded 10,000 men, Morris said: “Many were killed during the battle but thousands more would die in the years that followed, as English resistance led to Norman repression.”
English Heritage is marking the anniversary with various events. More than 1,066 Norman and Saxon soldiers will gather for a replay of the battle and a group of re-enactors – “Warriors of 1066” – will pay tribute to the soldiers by retracing King Harold’s march from York to Battle after the battle of Stamford Bridge. English Heritage notes that they could not follow Harold’s exact route as “logistics and A roads prevent this”.
Article 5
Feudalism
Feudalism is the name given to the system of government William I introduced to England after he defeated Harold at the Battle of Hastings. Feudalism became a way of life in Medieval England and remained so for many centuries.
William I is better known as William the Conqueror. He had defeated the English army lead by Harold but he had to gain control of all of England before he could be truly called king of England. He was a foreigner who had forced his way to London. He was not popular with the people of England and he had to use force to maintain his control on England.
William could not rule every part of the country himself – this was physically impossible. Not only was travel difficult and slow in the eleventh century, he was also still Duke of Normandy and he had to return to Normandy to maintain his control of this land in France. Therefore, he had to leave the country for weeks at a time. He needed a way of controlling England so that the people remained loyal.
William spent much of his time in London. He built his own castle – the Tower of London – so that it dominated the city. It was also his home while in London. He did not trust the builders of London – or English stone – so he used Norman craftsmen to do the skilled work while the English acted as labourers and he brought in from Caen (in France) the stone needed for what we now call the White Tower. He also built the first castle at Windsor. The motte is still visible. Castles represented a visible threat to the people of England. Soldiers were kept in them and they could be used against the English should they cause trouble.
Feudalism is the name given to the system of government William I introduced to England after he defeated Harold at the Battle of Hastings. Feudalism became a way of life in Medieval England and remained so for many centuries.
William I is better known as William the Conqueror. He had defeated the English army lead by Harold but he had to gain control of all of England before he could be truly called king of England. He was a foreigner who had forced his way to London. He was not popular with the people of England and he had to use force to maintain his control on England.
William could not rule every part of the country himself – this was physically impossible. Not only was travel difficult and slow in the eleventh century, he was also still Duke of Normandy and he had to return to Normandy to maintain his control of this land in France. Therefore, he had to leave the country for weeks at a time. He needed a way of controlling England so that the people remained loyal.
William spent much of his time in London. He built his own castle – the Tower of London – so that it dominated the city. It was also his home while in London. He did not trust the builders of London – or English stone – so he used Norman craftsmen to do the skilled work while the English acted as labourers and he brought in from Caen (in France) the stone needed for what we now call the White Tower. He also built the first castle at Windsor. The motte is still visible. Castles represented a visible threat to the people of England. Soldiers were kept in them and they could be used against the English should they cause trouble.
However, he needed a way of actually governing the country. This was the Feudal System.
William divided up England into very large plots of land – similar to our counties today. These were ‘given’ to those noblemen who had fought bravely for him in battle. William argued that those noblemen who were willing to die in battle for him, would also be loyal to him. The land was not simply given to these nobles. They had to swear an oath of loyalty to William, they had to collect taxes in their area for him and they had to provide the king with soldiers if they were told to do so. In the eleventh century, a sworn oath on the Bible was a very important thing and one which few men would dare to break as it would condemn them to Hell. The men who got these parcels of land would have been barons, earls and dukes Within their own area, they were the most important person there. In the terms of the Feudal System, these men, the barons etc., were known as tenants-in-chief.
Even these pieces of land were large and difficult to govern.
The barons etc. had to further divide up their land and these were ‘given’ to trusted Norman knights who had also fought well in battle. Each knight was given a segment of land to govern. He had to swear an oath to the baron, duke or earl, collect taxes when told to do so and provide soldiers from his land when they were needed.
It was argued, that because they had sworn an oath to their baron, they had really sworn an oath to the king. These lords worked to maintain law and order. The people in their land – or manors – were treated harshly and there was always the constant threat of Norman soldiers being used against the English people where ever they lived. The lords had to do their job well as unsuccessful ones could be removed from their position. Their job was simple – keep the English people in their place……under the control of the Normans. Under the Feudal System, these men, the knights, were called sub-tenants.
Note that both groups were officially tenants – a word we associate with land that does not belong to you. Both all but rented out their land in that they had to provide money or services to the real owner of all land – William the Conqueror.
At the bottom of the ladder were the conquered English who had to do what they were told or pay the price for their disobedience.
There is no doubt that William’s rule was harsh. But he was a man who had conquered the country. He was not in England through the popular choice of the people and he had to ensure that he had full control over them at all times. He ensured that there were obvious signs of his power – the country saw the building of many Norman castles. He also knew what was owed to him because he ordered a survey of the whole country – the Domesday Book.
Article 6
Edward the Confessor
Edward the Confessor was king of England from 1042 to 1066. Edward’s death was to transform Medieval England and led to the reign of the Norman William the Conqueror with all that his rule meant to Medieval England – castles, the Domesday Book and feudalism.
Edward the Confessor was born in about 1003. Edward’s father was Ethelred the Unready and his mother was Emma of Normandy. Edward spent the first part of his life in Normandy. He grew up with deep religious views and gained the nickname “Confessor”. However, away from his family and in a strange land, it is said that Edward’s childhood was not a happy one.
In 1040, Edward was re-called to England by his half-brother Hardicanute who had succeeded Ethelred in the same year. Hardicanute died after a drinking party in 1042 and Edward became king of England.
According to those who compiled the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the first thing Edward did, despite his religious views, was to deprive his mother of all of her estates and reduce her to relative poverty. It is said that Edward blamed her for his miserable and lonely childhood.
Edward married in 1045. His wife, Edith, was the daughter of Godwin of Wessex, the most important nobleman in England. They had no children as Edward had taken a vow of celibacy.
In 1051, a number of Normans were killed in a brawl in Dover, Kent. Edward still had influential friends in Normandy and he wanted the people of Dover punished for this. Edward ordered Earl Godwin to do this. Godwin refused and raised an army against the king instead. Two other senior noblemen, the earls of Mercia and Northumbria, remained loyal to Edward, and outnumbered, Godwin agreed to leave England and live with his family in Flanders
Between 1051 and 1052, Edward increased the number of Normans who advised him at court. This angered the Witan – a body of English advisors made up of the most important noblemen in England – and in 1052, Earl Godwin returned to England with an army. This army was commanded by his two sons, Harold and Tostig. Edward was unable to raise an army to fight Godwin as no nobleman was willing to support the king. Edward was forced to send back to Normandy his Norman advisors and he had to return to Godwin all his estates and accept him back into the kingdom. Despite being king of England, Edward had no choice but to do this.
In 1053 Godwin died. His title was taken by Harold who became known as Harold of Wessex. He was the most powerful nobleman in England.
Between 1052 and 1066, Edward contented himself with putting all of his energy into the building of Westminster Abbey in London. The Witan maintained its political and advisory power. Having ‘tasted’ its power once in 1052, Edward had no desire to challenge it again. Harold of Wessex commanded the king’s army when it was required and gained a reputation as a skilled leader.
In January 1066, Edward died. He did not have any children and the fight for who should succeed him led to the Norman invasion of October 1066 and the Battle of Hastings.
Article 7
Harold of Wessex
Harold of Wessex, as king of England, led the English army into battle against William the Conqueror in 1066 at the Battle of Hastings. Harold was killed in this battle which was fought to establish who should be king after the death of Edward the Confessor.
Harold was born in about 1022. His father, Godwin of Wessex, was the most powerful nobleman in England. Harold became Earl of East Anglia in 1046. He also got a share of his brother Swegen’s lands when Swegen was sent into exile in 1046. When Godwin was exiled in 1051, Harold went to Ireland where he stayed with the Dermont, King of Leinster. In 1052, when his father returned to England, Harold did the same. Godwin regained all that he has lost when he had been sent into exile. In 1053, Godwin died and Harold succeeded his father as Earl of Wessex. From this time on Harold was a loyal supporter of Edward the Confessor.
In 1063, Harold led an English army into Wales – an area that had never been overly respectful of English power. Reports from the time indicate that his army killed every adult Welsh male they came across. His campaign of terror left parts of Wales depopulated.
When he was not away campaigning, Harold found time to get married. He married EadgythSwanneck and they had five children. He also wanted to create a place of learning which is why he funded the creation of a large church in Waltham which had a chancellor, a dean and twelve canons. The chancellor, Adelard of Liege, was famed for his lectures.
In 1064, Harold was shipwrecked on the coast of Ponthieu. William of Normandy
ordered the Duke of Ponthieu, Guy, to hand over Harold. Harold went to Rouen with William and accompanied William into battle. It was after one such battle against Conan of Brittany, that Harold is said to have promised William that he would support William’s claim to the throne of England on the death of Edward. With this ‘promise’, William allowed Harold to return to England. When Harold returned to England, he claimed that the ‘promise’ had been forced out of him. If he had not made it, he would have spent the rest of his life as a captive in Normandy. Therefore, Harold concluded, any such ‘promise’ had no legal backing.
Edward died on January 5th 1066. On January 6th, the Witan met to decide who should succeed Edward as he left no heir to the throne of England. The Witan consisted of 60 of England’s most powerful nobles and they decided that Harold should be the new king of England. There is a popular belief that Harold somehow seized the English throne. In fact, it was offered to him by the Witan. The Witan had discussed the merits of other candidates: William of Normandy, Harold Hardrada of Norway and Edgar Etheling. Out of the four, Harold was chosen.
After his coronation, Harold did expect some form of reaction from William. Harold placed a large number of troops along the south coast to the Isle of Wight. By September, Harold decided that the threat had been reduced and he allowed his part-time troops (the fyrds) to disperse. Many were needed for harvesting.
However, Harold then had to cope with an attack by his brother Tostig and the king of Norway, Harold Hadrada. Tostig had invaded in the north of England and Harold had to move his army north with due speed. They fought at the Battle of Stamford Bridge on September 24th 1066. Harold won; Tostig and Hadrada were killed.
William and his forces landed at Pevensey Bay. Harold was still in the north of England. Marching south, Harold rejected the thoughts of his brother Gyrth, who wanted to lead the English in battle as Gyrth felt that Harold, as king of England, was putting himself at risk.
Harold was killed at the Battle of Hastings on October 15th. The Bayeaux Tapestry shows him getting an arrow in the eye. In truth, we will never know how Harold died but it is highly unlikely that a king of England would have been on foot armed with a spear – as the tapestry shows.
After the battle finished, Harold’s mother, Gytha, asked William to return Harold’s body to her for a proper burial. She offered William Harold’s weight in gold. William refused. He was convinced that Harold had broken a sacred oath and that, even in death, he should pay for that. Harold’s body, so it is said, was buried on the beach at Pevensey Bay, on the shores he had tried to defend. By doing this, William ensured that Harold was not buried in a Christian manner. Some believe that his body was finally buried at the church he had established at Waltham.
Term 1. Activity
Article 1
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Doex. 12, p. 32, ex. 20, p. 36 (здесьидалее - ДроздоваТ.Ю. English Grammar: Reference and Practice.– Спб., 2005) – “The Verb”.
Activity 2
Doex. 17, p. 48, ex. 5, p. 62 – “The Verb”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author describes… . The article begins with the description of … .
Then the author passes on to… . For example, … . The author agrees that … .
In conclusion the author describes / says that … . In my opinion, … .
Article 2
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Doex. 17, p. 48, ex. 5, p. 62 – “The Verb”.
Activity 2
Doex. 7, p. 142, ex. 1, p. 146, ex. 11, p. 152 – “Modal Verbs”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author depicts … .The article begins with the mention of … .
After that the author goes on to say that … .Namely, … . The author announces … .
The author concludes with … . In my view, … .
Article 3
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 2, p. 156, ex. 2, p. 159 – “Modal Verbs”.
Activity 2
Doex. 3, p. 112, ex. 4, p. 112 – “The Passive Voice”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author dwells on … .The article begins with the analysis of … .
Further the author gives a detailed description of … . That is, … . The author continues analyzing … .
The article ends with … . To my mind, … .
Article 4
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 7, p. 113, ex. 8, p. 114 – “The Passive Voice”.
Activity 2
Doex. 2, p. 94, ex. 4, p. 94 – “The Sequence of Tenses”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author touches upon … . The article begins with the comment on … .
Further on the author gives a detailed analysis of … . For instance, … . The author offers praise / criticizes … .
To finish with the author describes / says that … .To my way of thinking, … .
Article 5
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 5, p. 94, ex. 6, p. 95 – “The Sequence of Tenses”.
Activity 2
Doex. 2, p. 99, ex. 1, p. 100 – “Direct and Indirect Speech”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author explains … . The article begins with the review of … .
Next the author gives a detailed review of … . For example, … . The author promises … .
At the end of the article the author comes to the conclusion that … . Personally, I believe that… .
Article 6
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 1, p. 101, ex. 3, p. 102 – “Direct and Indirect Speech”.
Activity 2
Doex. 1, p. 350, ex. 3, p. 351 – “The Complex Sentence”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author mentions … . The article begins with the account of … .
Then the authorpasses on to the comment on … . Namely, … . After that the author comments on … .
At the end of the article the author sums it all up by saying that … .I feel strongly that… .
Article 7
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 6, p. 352, ex. 10, p. 354 – “The Complex Sentence”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 1 (2), p. 275, ex. 2(1), p. 275 – “The Gerund”.
Practise the following patterns:
At the beginning of the article the author says that … . The article begins with the characterization of … .
Then the author informs the reader about … .That is, … .The author suggests that smb. should do smth.
The concluding words are … . It seems to me that… .
Revision
Activity 1
Do ex. 4 (1, 2), p. 276 – “The Gerund”.
Term 2. Articles
Article 1
Naval supremacy
'When Britain really ruled the waves, in good Queen Bess's time' was the assessment of the late Victorian age's leading satirist, WS Gilbert. (He put these words into the mouth of a spoof peer of the realm in the comic opera 'Iolanthe', which he wrote with Arthur Sullivan in 1882.)
Gilbert's Lord Mountararat got it wrong. Naval exploits in the age of Elizabeth I are regularly romanticised and their significance exaggerated.
Late 16th century England, though growing in importance under an able, crafty and ruthless monarch, remained a bit-part player on the European stage.
Britain 'really ruled the waves' throughout Gilbert's own lifetime. He lived from 1836 to 1911, during the reigns of Victoria and her successor, Edward VII.
Britain's naval might was not openly challenged on the high seas between Admiral Horatio Lord Nelson's famous victory at Trafalgar in 1805 and the World War One Battle of Jutland with the German navy in 1916.
During the Victorian age, Britain was the world's most powerful nation. Though not always effortlessly, it was able to maintain a world order which rarely threatened Britain's wider strategic interests.
The single European conflict fought during Victoria's reign - the Crimean War of 1854 - 1856 - contrasted markedly with the 18th century, during which the British were involved in at least five major wars, none of which lasted less than seven years.
The Victorians believed that peace was a necessary pre-condition of long-term prosperity.
Victoria's empire
In 1882 Britain was in the later stages of acquiring the largest empire the world had ever seen. By the end of Victoria's reign, the British empire extended over about one-fifth of the earth's surface and almost a quarter of the world's population at least theoretically owed allegiance to the 'queen empress'.
These acquisitions were not uncontested. A number of colonial wars were fought and insurgencies put down as bloodily as the colonisers considered necessary.
It would be a gross exaggeration to claim, as many contemporaries did, that those living in a British colony felt privileged to be ruled by a people anxious to spread the virtues of an ordered, advanced and politically sophisticated Christian nation to those 'lesser breeds' previously 'without the law'.
That said, there is no gainsaying the fact that both many colonial administrators and Christian missionaries took on their colonial duties with a fierce determination to do good.
Britain's status as the financial capital of the world also secured investment inflows which preserved its immense prosperity.
One has only to walk along Liverpool's waterfront and view the exceptional 'Three Graces', (the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Royal Liver and Cunard buildings) planned and erected in the decade or so after Victoria's death, to understand the centrality of commerce and overseas trade in making Britain the world's greatest power during the 19th century.
Liverpool's status as a World Heritage City is fitting testament to a period when Britain did indeed 'rule the waves'.
Article 2
Industrial Revolution
Victoria came to the throne during the early, frenetic phase of the world's first industrial revolution. Industrialisation brought with it new markets, a consumer boom and greater prosperity for most of the propertied classes.
It also brought rapid, and sometimes chaotic change as towns and cities expanded at a pace which precluded orderly growth.
Desperately poor housing conditions, long working hours, the ravages of infectious disease and premature death were the inevitable consequence.
The Victorians wrestled with this schizoid legacy of industrialism. The Victorian town symbolised Britain's progress and world pre-eminence, but it also witnessed some of the most deprived people, and depraved habits, in the civilised world.
Taming, and then improving, Britain's teeming cities presented a huge challenge. Mortality data revealed that, in the poorer quarters of Britain's larger cities, almost one child in five born alive in the 1830s and 1840s had died by the age of five. Polluted water and damp housing were the main causes.
Death rates in Britain as a whole remained obstinately above 20 per thousand until the 1880s and only dropped to 17 by the end of Victoria's reign.
Life expectancy at birth, in the high 30s in 1837, had crept up to 48 by 1901. One of the great scourges of the age - tuberculosis - remained unconquered, claiming between 60,000 and 70,000 lives in each decade of Victoria's reign.
Civic engagement
Despite substantial medical advances and well-informed campaigns, progress in public health was desperately slow in Victoria's reign.
This had much to do with healthy scepticism about the opinions of experts, particularly when those experts advocated greater centralised state interference in what they considered to be the proper sphere of local authorities and agencies.
Furthermore, state involvement meant higher taxes and higher taxes were said to hamper both business and job creation. Localism undoubtedly stymied many public health initiatives at least until the last two decades of the reign.
The Victorian era saw considerable expenditure on monuments to civic pride. The competitive ethic which drove so much business enterprise was channelled by local worthies into spending on opulent town halls and other civic buildings.
By no means all of these were intended for the use of a propertied elite. Libraries, wash-houses and swimming baths were all funded as part of a determination to provide working people with the means to improve themselves.
Civic identity and civic engagement were more powerful forces in Victorian than in early 20th-century Britain.
Nor were the Victorian middle and upper classes parsimonious over charitable giving. The 1860s alone saw the formation of the Society for the Relief of Distress, the Peabody Trust, Barnardo's Homes and the Charity Organisation Society.
These national organisations were multiplied several-fold by local charities. Christian gentlemen considered it a duty to make legacies to worthy causes.
True, much of this giving came with strings. Most Victorian charities were aimed at those sections of the working classes disposed towards helping themselves. Its overall impact, however, should not be underestimated.
Виктория взошла на трон во время ранней, лихорадочной фазы первой в мире промышленной революции. Индустриализация принесла с собой новые рынки, потребительский бум и большее процветание для большинства имущих классов.
Это также привело к быстрым, а иногда и хаотичным изменениям, поскольку города расширялись темпами, которые исключали упорядоченный рост.
Ужасающе плохие жилищные условия, продолжительный рабочий день, разрушительные последствия инфекционных заболеваний и преждевременная смерть были неизбежными последствиями.
Викторианцы боролись с этим шизоидным наследием индустриализма. Викторианский город символизировал прогресс Британии и мировое превосходство, но он также был свидетелем некоторых из самых обездоленных людей и порочных привычек в цивилизованном мире.
Укрощение, а затем и улучшение перенаселенных городов Великобритании представляло собой огромную проблему. Данные о смертности показали, что в бедных кварталах крупных городов Великобритании почти каждый пятый ребенок, родившийся живым в 1830-1840-х годах, умер в возрасте до пяти лет. Основными причинами были загрязненная вода и сырое жилье.
Уровень смертности в Британии в целом упорно оставался выше 20 на тысячу до 1880-х годов и снизился только до 17 к концу правления Виктории.
Ожидаемая продолжительность жизни при рождении, достигавшая максимума в 30 лет в 1837 году, к 1901 году выросла до 48 лет. Одно из величайших бедствий того времени - туберкулез - оставалось непобедимым, унося от 60 000 до 70 000 жизней за каждое десятилетие правления Виктории.
Гражданская вовлеченность
Несмотря на значительные достижения в медицине и хорошо информированные кампании, прогресс в общественном здравоохранении во время правления Виктории был отчаянно медленным.
Во многом это было связано со здоровым скептицизмом по поводу мнений экспертов, особенно когда эти эксперты выступали за усиление централизованного государственного вмешательства в то, что они считали надлежащей сферой деятельности местных властей и агентств.
Кроме того, участие государства означало повышение налогов, а более высокие налоги, как утверждалось, препятствуют как бизнесу, так и созданию рабочих мест. Местничество, несомненно, ставило в тупик многие инициативы в области общественного здравоохранения, по крайней мере, до последних двух десятилетий правления.
Викторианская эпоха ознаменовалась значительными расходами на памятники гражданской гордости. Этика соперничества, которая стимулировала так много деловых начинаний, была направлена местными авторитетами на расходы на роскошные ратуши и другие общественные здания.
Ни в коем случае не все это предназначалось для использования имущей элитой. Библиотеки, прачечные и плавательные ванны - все это финансировалось в рамках стремления предоставить работающим людям средства для самосовершенствования.
Гражданская идентичность и гражданское участие были более мощными силами в викторианской эпохе, чем в Британии начала 20-го века.
Викторианский средний и высший классы также не были скупы на благотворительность. Только в 1860-х годах были созданы Общество помощи терпящим бедствие, Фонд Пибоди, Дома Барнардо и Общество благотворительной организации.
Эти национальные организации были многократно увеличены местными благотворительными организациями. Джентльмены-христиане считали своим долгом направлять наследие на достойные цели.
Правда, большая часть этих пожертвований сопровождалась завязками. Большинство викторианских благотворительных организаций были ориентированы на те слои рабочего класса, которые были склонны помогать самим себе. Однако не следует недооценивать его общее воздействие.
Виcториа cаме то тhе тhроне дуринг тhе еарлy, френетиc пhасе оф тhе wорлд'с фЁст индастриал революшон. Индустриалисатион броугhт wитh ит неw маркетс, а cонсумер боом анд греатер просперитy фор мост оф тhе пропертиед cлассес.
Ит алсо броугhт рапид, анд сометимес чаотиc чанге ас тоwнс анд цитиес ехпандед ат а паце whич преcлудед ордерлy гроwтh.
Десперателy поор hоусинг cондитионс, лонг wоркинг hоурс, тhе равагес оф инфеcтиоус дисеасе анд прематуре деатh wере тhе иневитабле cонсеqуенце.
Тhе Виcторианс wрестлед wитh тhис счизоид легацы оф индустриалисм. Тhе Виcториан тоwн сyмболисед Бритаин'с прогресс анд wорлд пре-еминенце, бут ит алсо wитнессед соме оф тhе мост депривед пеопле, анд деправед hабитс, ин тhе цивилисед wорлд.
Таминг, анд тhен импровинг, Бритаин'с тееминг цитиес пресентед а hуге чалленге. Морталитy дата ревеалед тhат, ин тhе поорер qуартерс оф Бритаин'с ларгер цитиес, алмост оне чилд ин фиве борн аливе ин тhе 1830с анд 1840с hад диед бy тhе аге оф фиве. Поллутед wатер анд дамп hоусинг wере тhе маин cаусес.
Деатh ратес ин Бритаин ас а whоле ремаинед обстинателy абове 20 пер тhоусанд унтил тhе 1880с анд онлy дроппед то 17 бy тhе енд оф Виcториа'с реигн.
Лифе ехпеcтанцы ат биртh, ин тhе hигh 30с ин 1837, hад cрепт уп то 48 бy 1901. Оне оф тhе греат сcоургес оф тhе аге - туберcулосис - ремаинед унcонqуеред, cлаиминг бетwеен 60,000 анд 70,000 ливес ин еач деcаде оф Виcториа'с реигн.
Цивиc енгагемент
Деспите субстантиал медиcал адванцес анд wелл-информед cампаигнс, прогресс ин публиc hеалтh wас десперателy слоw ин Виcториа'с реигн.
Тhис hад муч то до wитh hеалтhy сцептицисм абоут тhе опинионс оф ехпертс, партиcуларлy whен тhосе ехпертс адвоcатед греатер централисед стате интерференце ин whат тhеy cонсидеред то бе тhе пропер спhере оф лоcал аутhоритиес анд агенциес.
Фуртhерморе, стате инволвемент меант hигhер тахес анд hигhер тахес wере саид то hампер ботh бусинесс анд йоб cреатион. Лоcалисм ундоубтедлy стyмиед манy публиc hеалтh инитиативес ат леаст унтил тhе ласт тwо деcадес оф тhе реигн.
Тhе Виcториан ера саw cонсидерабле ехпендитуре он монументс то цивиc приде. Тhе cомпетитиве етhиc whич дрове со муч бусинесс ентерприсе wас чаннеллед бy лоcал wортhиес инто спендинг он опулент тоwн hаллс анд отhер цивиc буилдингс.
Бy но меанс алл оф тhесе wере интендед фор тhе усе оф а пропертиед елите. Либрариес, wаш-hоусес анд сwимминг батhс wере алл фундед ас парт оф а детерминатион то провиде wоркинг пеопле wитh тhе меанс то импрове тhемселвес.
Цивиc идентитy анд цивиc енгагемент wере море поwерфул форцес ин Виcториан тhан ин еарлy 20тh-центурy Бритаин.
Нор wере тhе Виcториан миддле анд уппер cлассес парсимониоус овер чаритабле гивинг. Тhе 1860с алоне саw тhе форматион оф тhе Социетy фор тhе Релиеф оф Дистресс, тhе Пеабодy Труст, Барнардо'с Hомес анд тhе Чаритy Органисатион Социетy.
Тhесе натионал органисатионс wере мултиплиед северал-фолд бy лоcал чаритиес. Чристиан гентлемен cонсидеред ит а дутy то маке легациес то wортhy cаусес.
Труе, муч оф тhис гивинг cаме wитh стрингс. Мост Виcториан чаритиес wере аимед ат тhосе сеcтионс оф тhе wоркинг cлассес диспосед тоwардс hелпинг тhемселвес. Итс овералл импаcт, hоwевер, шоулд нот бе ундерестиматед.
Article 3
Ireland
The United Kingdom's population at Victoria's accession in 1837 was about 25.5 million, eight million of whom lived in Ireland. At her death in 1901, it had risen to 41 million.
These figures, however, mask an enormous contrast. While the population of England and Wales increased by some 116% (15 million to 32.5 million), that of Ireland almost halved (eight million to 4.5 million), its population declining in every decade of the reign.
This stark contrast is explained by two linked factors. Ireland, the Protestant north east around Belfast excepted, did not experience an industrial revolution in the Victorian age.
It also endured a devastating famine from 1845 - 1847, the result of a failed potato crop among a peasant population dangerously dependent on one food source for sheer existence.
Ireland lost more than one million people to the ravages of famine in the 1840s. It lost far more over the next half century to the steady drip of emigration to Britain, the Americas and Australia.
This ticking demographic timebomb had far-reaching consequences. Large numbers of Irish Catholics - both those who stayed and those who left - blamed the British government for the famine and saw in it the ultimate proof that the Act of Union had been a ruse from which Britain benefited and for which Ireland continued to suffer.
The famine extinguished any realistic hope that the Irish, like the Scots a century earlier, might come to realise the economic, commercial and cultural benefits of political union with a larger and more prosperous national partner.
Inevitably, 'home rule' campaigns grew in both numbers and violence in the second half of Victoria's reign. These also impacted massively on British politics.
'The Irish Question' dominated the last phase of the career of William Gladstone, probably Victoria's ablest - and certainly her most driven - prime minister.
His Liberal party's split on home rule for Ireland in 1886 began the long process of marginalisation of the political party which dominated much of the queen's reign. Ireland would not get home rule in Victoria's lifetime, but it set the political agenda unlike any other issue.
Politics
What, finally, of the Victorian political structure? It is easy to see that it was far from democratic.
At the beginning of Victoria's reign, about a fifth of adult males were entitled to vote. That proportion increased, through parliamentary reform acts passed in 1867 and 1884, to one-third and two-thirds respectively.
No women could legally vote in parliamentary elections until almost 18 years after Victoria's death - and the queen herself was no suffragist. Women did, however, play an increasingly influential role both in locally-elected school and poor law boards and in local government from the 1870s onwards.
If not democratic, the political system was becoming increasingly representative. By 1901, few argued - as had frequently been asserted against the Chartists in the 1830s and 1840s - that to allow working men to vote would be to cede power to an ignorant, insensate and unworthy majority.
Victorian politicians increasingly learned how to 'trust the people'. They also noted how many among 'lower orders' could help themselves economically while improving themselves educationally.
The working-class Victorian autodidact was an increasingly significant figure. His modest successes enabled his 'betters' to claim that Britain was a specially advanced, perhaps even a divinely favoured, nation.
Britain managed to modernize its political system without succumbing to the political revolutions that afflicted virtually all of its European competitors.
The quality of political debate in Victorian Britain, in newspapers and in both houses of parliament, was also very high. The struggle for political supremacy between William Gladstone and Benjamin Disraeli in the late 1860s and 1870s represents perhaps the most sophisticated political duel in the nation's history.
During the Victorian era, then, the United Kingdom could plausibly be considered as the world's superpower. However, Germany and the United States had already begun to surpass its industrial capacity and Germany's naval build-up would shortly present a powerful challenge to long-held British supremacy.
On the home front, the nation was only beginning to get to grips with widespread poverty while considerably more than half the adult population remained without a vote. Victorian supremacy by 1901 was only skin deep.
Население Соединенного Королевства на момент вступления Виктории на престол в 1837 году составляло около 25,5 миллионов человек, восемь миллионов из которых проживали в Ирландии. К моменту ее смерти в 1901 году их число возросло до 41 миллиона.
Эти цифры, однако, скрывают огромный контраст. В то время как население Англии и Уэльса увеличилось примерно на 116% (с 15 миллионов до 32,5 миллионов), население Ирландии сократилось почти вдвое (с восьми миллионов до 4,5 миллионов), причем ее население сокращалось с каждым десятилетием правления.
Этот разительный контраст объясняется двумя взаимосвязанными факторами. Ирландия, за исключением протестантского северо-востока вокруг Белфаста, не пережила промышленной революции в викторианскую эпоху.
Она также пережила опустошительный голод 1845-1847 годов, ставший результатом неурожая картофеля среди крестьянского населения, существование которого опасно зависело от одного источника пищи.
Ирландия потеряла более миллиона человек в результате разрушительного голода в 1840-х годах. За следующие полвека она потеряла гораздо больше из-за постоянного притока эмиграции в Великобританию, Америку и Австралию.
Эта тикающая демографическая бомба замедленного действия имела далеко идущие последствия. Большое количество ирландских католиков - как тех, кто остался, так и тех, кто уехал, - обвиняли британское правительство в голоде и видели в нем окончательное доказательство того, что Акт унии был уловкой, от которой выиграла Британия и из-за которой Ирландия продолжала страдать.
Голод уничтожил любую реальную надежду на то, что ирландцы, как и шотландцы столетием ранее, смогут осознать экономические, коммерческие и культурные преимущества политического союза с более крупным и процветающим национальным партнером.
Неизбежно, что во второй половине правления Виктории кампании "самоуправления" выросли как по численности, так и по насилию. Это также оказало огромное влияние на британскую политику.
"Ирландский вопрос" доминировал на последнем этапе карьеры Уильяма Гладстона, вероятно, самого способного - и, безусловно, самого целеустремленного - премьер-министра Виктории.
Раскол его либеральной партии по вопросу о самоуправлении в Ирландии в 1886 году положил начало длительному процессу маргинализации политической партии, которая доминировала большую часть правления королевы. Ирландия не получила бы самоуправления при жизни Виктории, но это определило политическую повестку дня в отличие от любого другого вопроса.
Политика
Что, наконец, можно сказать о викторианской политической структуре? Легко видеть, что это было далеко не демократично.
В начале правления Виктории около пятой части взрослых мужчин имели право голоса. Эта доля увеличилась благодаря актам о парламентской реформе, принятым в 1867 и 1884 годах, до одной трети и двух третей соответственно.
Ни одна женщина не могла легально голосовать на парламентских выборах почти 18 лет спустя после смерти Виктории - и сама королева не была суфражисткой. Однако начиная с 1870-х годов женщины играли все более влиятельную роль как в избираемых на местном уровне школьных советах и советах по делам бедных, так и в местных органах власти.
Политическая система становилась если не демократической, то все более представительной. К 1901 году мало кто утверждал - как часто утверждалось против чартистов в 1830-1840-х годах, - что разрешить рабочим голосовать означало бы уступить власть невежественному, бесчувственному и недостойному большинству.
Викторианские политики все больше учились "доверять людям". Они также отметили, сколько представителей "низших слоев общества" могли бы помочь себе
Article 4
War and democracy
In 1901 Britain had a constitutional government, but it was not a fully-fledged democracy. In 1918 it became a democracy, with the introduction of universal adult male suffrage and votes for women aged over 30.
What mattered more by then was the fact that the country was engaged in the greatest war of modern times, one in which Britain's military deaths were more than twice those it would suffer in World War Two.
World War One may not have initiated democratic change, but it determined its timing. Ironically, the war's demands also weakened the exercise of constitutional government, albeit temporarily.
Freedom of speech was curtailed by the Defence of the Realm Act in 1914. Elections, due in 1915, were deferred until the war was concluded. And the formation of a coalition government in the same year all but silenced parliamentary opposition.
When Britain entered World War One, it did so in the name of 19th century liberal values - the rights of small nations and the rule of law.
What justified these claims, which became the touchstone of British propaganda, was Germany's invasion of Belgium, as its army bypassed France's eastern defences by swinging round them to the north.
Wooing the workers
But 19th century liberalism, although it had a provided powerful rhetoric in foreign affairs, had been more limited in its domestic aspirations. 'Household suffrage', adopted in 1867, tied political responsibility to the ownership of property.
Although increasing affluence meant that the boundaries of this suffrage were porous, in 1914 Britain had the most restrictive franchise of any power in Europe, with the exception of Hungary. Many of those killed in action in 1914-1918 were fighting for a state that denied them the vote.
The Conservative party dominated government for the decade after 1886 - when William Gladstone's Liberal party had split over the issue of 'home rule' for Ireland. The Liberals were returned to power at the end of 1905, winning elections in 1906 and 1910 (twice), even if with dwindling majorities.
Their recovery was founded in part on their readiness to embrace social reform. The long-term issue for the Liberals was whether they or the Labour party would be the preferred party of the working classes, and on that would hang their survival in government.
The 'new' Liberals struck a deal with the Labour party in 1903, pledging themselves to avoid clashes in seats dominated by Tory interests. When in government, they introduced old age pensions, unemployment benefit and public health provision.
The Liberals' shift to the left was aided by fact that the association of the Labour party with the trades union movement truncated the growth of political socialism in Britain, and so tied Labour to the material interests of the working class, more than to a radical and reforming ideology.
В 1901 году в Британии было конституционное правительство, но это не было полноценной демократией. В 1918 году она стала демократической с введением всеобщего избирательного права для взрослых мужчин и права голоса для женщин старше 30 лет.
Что к тому времени имело большее значение, так это тот факт, что страна была вовлечена в величайшую войну современности, в которой британские военные погибли более чем в два раза больше, чем во Второй мировой войне.
Первая мировая война, возможно, и не положила начало демократическим переменам, но она определила их время. По иронии судьбы, требования войны также ослабили осуществление конституционного правления, хотя и временно.
Свобода слова была ограничена Законом о защите королевства в 1914 году. Выборы, которые должны были состояться в 1915 году, были отложены до завершения войны. А формирование коалиционного правительства в том же году практически заставило замолчать парламентскую оппозицию.
Когда Британия вступила в Первую мировую войну, она сделала это во имя либеральных ценностей 19 века - прав малых наций и верховенства закона.
Что оправдывало эти заявления, ставшие пробным камнем британской пропаганды, так это вторжение Германии в Бельгию, когда ее армия обошла восточные укрепления Франции, обойдя их с севера.
Ухаживание за рабочими
Но либерализм 19-го века, хотя и обладал достаточно мощной риторикой во внешних делах, был более ограничен в своих внутренних устремлениях. "Избирательное право домашних хозяйств", принятое в 1867 году, связывало политическую ответственность с владением собственностью.
Хотя растущий достаток означал, что границы этого избирательного права были пористыми, в 1914 году Британия обладала самым ограниченным избирательным правом из всех держав в Европе, за исключением Венгрии. Многие из тех, кто погиб в бою в 1914-1918 годах, сражались за государство, которое отказало им в праве голоса.
Консервативная партия доминировала в правительстве в течение десятилетия после 1886 года, когда Либеральная партия Уильяма Гладстона раскололась по вопросу о "самоуправлении" в Ирландии. Либералы вернулись к власти в конце 1905 года, победив на выборах в 1906 и 1910 годах (дважды), хотя и с уменьшающимся большинством голосов.
Их выздоровление было частично основано на их готовности принять социальные реформы. Долгосрочный вопрос для либералов заключался в том, будут ли они или Лейбористская партия предпочтительной партией рабочего класса, и от этого зависело бы их выживание в правительстве.
"Новые" либералы заключили сделку с Лейбористской партией в 1903 году, пообещав себе избегать столкновений в местах, где доминируют интересы тори. Когда они были в правительстве, они ввели пенсии по старости, пособие по безработице и государственное здравоохранение.
Сдвигу либералов влево способствовал тот факт, что объединение Лейбористской партии с профсоюзным движением урезало рост политического социализма в Великобритании и таким образом привязало лейбористов к материальным интересам рабочего класса в большей степени, чем к радикальной и реформаторской идеологии.
Article 5
Reform and crisis
This did not mean that the Liberal government did not tackle political reform before 1914. The House of Lords had not really been touched by the reform acts of the 19th century and increasingly behaved as a Conservative opposition when the Liberals were in power.
In 1909, the Lords vetoed the budget, a package of tax proposals which Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd George had adroitly presented as designed to finance welfare reforms, when in reality they were driven as much by the requirements of defence.
The ensuing crisis, which spanned two general elections, culminated with the Lords losing their power of veto and becoming a revising chamber only.
The other great constitutional issue remained unionism. By 1912 - 1913 Ireland was threatening to break the Liberal party once again. The 1910 elections left the Liberals without an overall majority and dependent on the Irish nationalists, the price of whose support was Irish 'home rule'.
In Ireland itself, the Ulster Protestants refused to be separated from Britain and in March 1914 elements of the army made clear that they would not force them, even if ordered to do so by the elected government of the day.
Thus the political ramifications extended beyond debates within Westminster to include the power of extra-parliamentary actors, and even the danger of civil war in Ireland.
For those anxious to generate a sense of crisis there were other straws blowing in the same wind. Strikes by the major trade unions between 1912 and 1914 and the militancy of the women's suffrage movement suggested that defining government in terms solely of parliamentary sovereignty could be self-defeating.
In the event, the sense of incipient domestic breakdown, as intense in July 1914 as in any of the immediately preceding summers, was usurped by international crisis.
Binding the powers
At the beginning of the 20th century, Britain had struggled in its three-year war with the Boer republics of South Africa, and realised that it needed not just to reform the army but also to tackle issues of finance, public health and colonial government.
The reforms it initiated were designed to enable it better to deal with the responsibilities of imperialism, up to and including war. A sequence of international agreements created regional balances and so mitigated the consequences of global responsibility.
In 1901, the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty accepted American domination of the western Atlantic. In the following year, Britain and Japan entered an alliance which enabled Britain to offset its fears of Russia in the Far East.
Anglo-French hostility, so often the leitmotif of both sides' foreign policies for the previous two centuries, was finally buried with an entente in 1904. Ostensibly this settled the two powers' rivalries in North Africa and the Mediterranean, but increasingly what was designed as a settlement of colonial disputes came to carry European connotations.
This process was made even clearer with the fourth and final stage of the process, the entente with Russia in 1907. At one level this laid to rest Britain's long standing fears about the security of India from attack on its north western frontier.
At another, it completed the creation in Europe of a Triple Entente to match the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. Germany's attempts to rupture the Entente, principally through engineering crises over Morocco in 1905 and 1911, had the reverse effect.
They bound the powers tighter together and convinced them that colonial clashes had to be subordinated to the greater issues revolving round the balance of power in Europe.
Это не означало, что либеральное правительство не занималось политической реформой до 1914 года. Палата лордов на самом деле не была затронута реформаторскими актами 19 века и все чаще вела себя как консервативная оппозиция, когда либералы были у власти.
В 1909 году лорды наложили вето на бюджет - пакет налоговых предложений, которые канцлер казначейства Дэвид Ллойд Джордж искусно представил как предназначенные для финансирования реформ социального обеспечения, хотя на самом деле они были продиктованы в равной степени требованиями обороны.
Последовавший за этим кризис, охвативший два всеобщих выборов, завершился тем, что лорды утратили свое право вето и превратились только в ревизионную палату.
Другой серьезной конституционной проблемой оставался юнионизм. К 1912-1913 годам Ирландия вновь угрожала распадом Либеральной партии. Выборы 1910 года оставили либералов без общего большинства и поставили их в зависимость от ирландских националистов, ценой поддержки которых стало ирландское "самоуправление".
В самой Ирландии протестанты Ольстера отказались отделяться от Великобритании, и в марте 1914 года части армии ясно дали понять, что они не будут принуждать их, даже если им прикажет это сделать избранное правительство того времени.
Таким образом, политические последствия вышли за рамки дебатов в Вестминстере и включали власть внепарламентских субъектов и даже опасность гражданской войны в Ирландии.
Для тех, кто стремился создать ощущение кризиса, были и другие соломинки, которые дул на том же ветру. Забастовки основных профсоюзов в период с 1912 по 1914 год и воинственность женского движения за избирательное право наводили на мысль, что определение правительства исключительно с точки зрения парламентского суверенитета может привести к саморазрушению.
Как бы то ни было, ощущение надвигающегося внутреннего распада, столь же сильное в июле 1914 года, как и в любое из непосредственно предшествовавших лет, было узурпировано международным кризисом.
Связывание полномочий
В начале 20-го века Британия боролась в своей трехлетней войне с бурскими республиками Южной Африки и поняла, что ей необходимо не только реформировать армию, но и решить вопросы финансов, общественного здравоохранения и колониального управления.
Реформы, которые оно инициировало, были направлены на то, чтобы позволить ему лучше справляться с обязанностями империализма, вплоть до войны включительно. Последовательность международных соглашений создала региональные балансы и таким образом смягчила последствия глобальной ответственности.
В 1901 году договор Хэя-Понсефота признал американское господство в Западной Атлантике. В следующем году Великобритания и Япония заключили союз, который позволил Великобритании компенсировать свои опасения по поводу России на Дальнем Востоке.
Англо-французская враждебность, столь часто являвшаяся лейтмотивом внешней политики обеих сторон на протяжении предыдущих двух столетий, была окончательно похоронена с заключением антанты в 1904 году. Якобы это уладило соперничество двух держав в Северной Африке и Средиземноморье, но все чаще то, что задумывалось как урегулирование колониальных споров, приобретало европейские коннотации.
Этот процесс стал еще более ясным на четвертом и заключительном этапе процесса - заключении антанты с Россией в 1907 году. На каком-то уровне это положило конец давним опасениям Великобритании по поводу безопасности Индии от нападения на ее северо-западную границу.
С другой стороны, это завершило создание в Европе Тройственной Антанты, соответствующей Тройственному союзу Германии, Австро-Венгрии и Италии. Попытки Германии разорвать Антанту, главным образом посредством технических кризисов вокруг Марокко в 1905 и 1911 годах, имели обратный эффект.
Они еще крепче связали державы воедино и убедили их в том, что колониальные столкновения должны быть подчинены более важным вопросам, связанным с балансом сил в Европе.
Article 6
Sea power
This was the underlying dynamic which explained Britain's entry to World War One. Formally speaking, Britain was not under any obligation to support France, let alone Russia, in a war with Germany.
Indeed, the first response of the foreign secretary, Sir Edward Grey, was to call on Germany to cooperate in convening a conference of the great powers. When Germany refused, Grey confronted the fact that imperial obligations and European policy were indivisible.
Politically, Britain could not afford to alienate either France or Russia, given its reliance on them for the system of global security which it had constructed. Strategically, its maritime power meant that it could not permit a mighty and hostile European power to dominate the Low Countries and so threaten the English Channel.
Germany's invasion of Belgium became the mechanism by which such thoughts could be rendered in popular and more universal terms: great power politics were presented as ideologies.
The implication was that Britain would wage war as a sea power, which was exactly how Grey made his case to the House of Commons on 3 August 1914.
The French government was even more anxious to ensure that Britain honoured the Anglo-French naval agreement of 1912 - which had left the defence of France's northern coast in the hands of the Royal Navy - than to secure the despatch of a British Expeditionary Force to the continent.
Architects of victory
Without the navy, Britain could not have stayed in the war. Although it fought only one fleet action, at Jutland on 31 May 1916, it prevented the German navy from breaking out of the confines of the North Sea.
In this way, maritime trade between the Entente powers and the rest of the world, and above all the United States of America, was sustained. Britain became the arsenal and financier of the alliance, weathering even the German decision to declare unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917.
But Britain did more than that. It provided a mass army as well. Lord Horatio Kitchener may have called that army into being, but the principal manufacturer of the tools with which it fought became David Lloyd George.
As chancellor of the exchequer, Lloyd George struck deals with the labour movement to ensure the provision of skilled workers. As minister of munitions, he converted industry to war production. And as prime minister from December 1916, he committed Britain to a war on both the domestic and fighting fronts.
The strategic architects of the war did not like him, but they could not think of a better substitute.
Это была основополагающая динамика, которая объясняла вступление Великобритании в Первую мировую войну. Формально говоря, Британия не была обязана поддерживать Францию, не говоря уже о России, в войне с Германией.
Действительно, первым ответом министра иностранных дел сэра Эдварда Грея был призыв к Германии сотрудничать в созыве конференции великих держав. Когда Германия отказалась, Грей столкнулся с фактом, что имперские обязательства и европейская политика неразделимы.
Политически Британия не могла позволить себе оттолкнуть ни Францию, ни Россию, учитывая ее зависимость от них в построенной ею системе глобальной безопасности. Стратегически ее морская мощь означала, что она не могла позволить могущественной и враждебной европейской державе доминировать в Нидерландах и таким образом угрожать Ла-Маншу.
Вторжение Германии в Бельгию стало механизмом, с помощью которого подобные мысли могли быть выражены в популярных и более универсальных терминах: политика великих держав была представлена как идеология.
Подразумевалось, что Британия будет вести войну как морская держава, и именно так Грей изложил свои аргументы в Палате общин 3 августа 1914 года.
Французское правительство было даже более озабочено тем, чтобы Великобритания соблюдала англо-французское военно-морское соглашение 1912 года, которое оставляло оборону северного побережья Франции в руках королевского флота, чем отправкой британских экспедиционных сил на континент.
Архитекторы победы
Без военно-морского флота Британия не смогла бы остаться в войне. Хотя она участвовала только в одном сражении флота, в Ютландии 31 мая 1916 года, она помешала немецкому флоту вырваться за пределы Северного моря.
Таким образом, поддерживалась морская торговля между державами Антанты и остальным миром, и прежде всего Соединенными Штатами Америки. Британия стала арсеналом и финансистом альянса, выдержав даже решение Германии объявить неограниченную подводную войну в феврале 1917 года.
Но Британия сделала больше, чем это. Это также обеспечило массовую армию. Возможно, лорд Горацио Китченер и создал эту армию, но главным производителем орудий, с помощью которых она сражалась, стал Дэвид Ллойд Джордж.
Будучи канцлером казначейства, Ллойд Джордж заключал сделки с лейбористским движением, чтобы обеспечить предоставление квалифицированных рабочих. Будучи министром боеприпасов, он перевел промышленность на военное производство. И будучи премьер-министром с декабря 1916 года, он втянул Великобританию в войну как на внутреннем, так и на военном фронтах.
Стратегическим архитекторам войны он не нравился, но они не могли придумать лучшей замены.
Term 2. Activity
Article 1
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 2, p. 297, ex. 3, p. 297 – “The Infinitive”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 5, p. 298, ex. 6, p. 298 – “The Infinitive”.
Practise the following patterns:
The paper studies … . … is /are analyzed.
The article comprises … parts. Part 1 discusses … .
The articleconstitutesа critical / detailed review of… . … is / are especially emphasized.The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on… .
The article provides interesting reading due to the original approach. For example, … .
Article 2
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 2, p. 308, ex. 3, p. 308 – “The Complex Object”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 2 (1, 2), p. 314 – “The Complex Subject”.
Practise the following patterns:
The article considers… . … is / are used.
The articlecovers a large information on … . Introduction is followed by the information devoted to…
The article constitutesа critical / detailed review of … . … is / are especially emphasized. The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on … .
The article provides interesting reading due to rich contents. Namely, … .
Article 3
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 1 (2), p. 331, ex. 2 (1), p. 332 – “The Participle”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 3, 4, p. 332– “The Participle”.
Practise the following patterns:
The article examines … . … is / areanalyzed.
The article comprises … parts. Part 1 discusses … .
The article constitutesа critical / detailed review of … . … is / are especially emphasized. The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on … .
The due regards are givento … .
Article 4
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 5 (2), p. 333, ex. 6, p. 334 – “The Participle”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 2, 3, p. 124 – “Conditional Sentences”.
Practise the following patterns:
The article describes … . … is / are considered.
The articlecovers a large information on … . Introduction is followed by the information devoted to…
The article constitutesа critical / detailed review of … . … is / are especially emphasized. The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on … .
The main achievement of the work lies in a very profound treatment of … . That is, … .
Article 5
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 5, p. 125, ex. 6, p. 125 – “Conditional Sentences”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 8, 9, p. 126– “Conditional Sentences”.
Practise the following patterns:
The article discusses … . … is / are described.
The article comprises … parts. Part 1 discusses … .
The article constitutesа critical / detailed review of … . … is / are especially emphasized. The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on … .
The presentation of … evidence is usually successful. For instance, … .
Article 6
Activity 1
Pick up the new words from the article and learn them.
Practise reading and translating the article.
Do ex. 2, p. 134 – “Making a Wish”.
Activity 2
Do ex. 3, 4, p. 134-135– “Making a Wish”.
Practise the following patterns:
The article considers … . … are outlined.
The articlecovers a large information on … . Introduction is followed by the information devoted to…
The article constitutesа critical / detailed review of … . … is / are especially emphasized. The work treats and summarizesthe knowledge on … .
The coverage of the article is extremely wide. For example, … .